The Importance of Language in Conflict Resolution
Meta-Culture has released the following paper in response to the Delhi Policy Group and Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue publication: Conflict Resolution: Learning lessons from dialogue processes in India. The paper highlights the need for clear terminology and an understanding of distinct conflict resolution modalities in order to draw actionable lessons relevant to policymakers and practitioners.
Meta-Culture welcomes the recent publication by The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD Centre) and the Delhi Policy Group, which offers an analysis of approaches to Conflict Resolution in India. In shedding light on three India-based conflicts and the associated efforts at resolution, the publication puts forth a better understanding of the conditions for Conflict Resolution, both within the Indian context and in general.
As practitioners, we also appreciate what we see as a perhaps unintended, but nevertheless important secondary benefit of the paper: it opens discussion about the application of Conflict Resolution processes and methodologies in India and the surrounding region. We write this response to the publication in the spirit of taking forward this discussion, hoping that our inputs will advance the theory and practice of the field in South Asia, as well as better equip peace builders to do their jobs effectively.
In this response, we submit our thoughts on the paper’s general use of terms like “dialogue,” “negotiation,” and “mediation” to convey attempts to “talk” or “discuss.” These terms, we propose, do not quite do justice to the precise ways in which practitioners and academics in the field of Conflict Resolution use them. In our experience, the danger of using these terms without precision, or even interchangeably, is that both the public and key stakeholders (who have seen many “dialogues” flounder) develop what may be called “dialogue fatigue.” Without having genuinely understood or even experienced the Dialogue process, as understood in the field of Conflict Resolution, they come to believe that enough time and energy has been spent in “dialogue” without any appreciable result. They thus conclude that “dialogue” does not work.
As Conflict Resolution practitioners who routinely use the modalities of Negotiation, Mediation, Dialogue Facilitation, and Consensus Building, we at Meta-Culture have found that the application of these modalities, when done well, has genuine transformational potential. To establish Conflict Resolution in India as a useful, respected, and indeed sought after field of professional practice, we consider it of great import to define these modalities, not generally and interchangeably, but as distinct and purposeful. If the HD Centre’s intention in publishing the aforementioned paper is to further the use of better processes to resolve conflicts in India, vital to this aim is the furthering of better clarity and understanding of Conflict Resolution modalities and the terms used to define them.
What’s Wrong with “dialogue”?
There is no debating that communication between disputing parties is necessary for successful Conflict Resolution. At the same time, ineffective communication too often has unintended consequences, even exacerbating conflicts. Hence, the quality of communication is critical to realizing better outcomes.
In our experience, the likelihood of poor outcomes in Conflict Resolution processes is increased when terms like “dialogue” and “mediation” are used without reference to the science behind these processes and the skills required for effective implementation.
Indeed, these terms are often used in casual and imprecise ways to denote any attempt on the part of disputing parties to come together and talk. In India, where the professional field of Conflict Resolution is not yet established, this lack of precision does not further the systematic resolution of complex issues.
In the HD Centre’s publication, the term “dialogue” appears to be used as a catchall term for attempts at non-violent conflict resolution, i.e., any kind of communication between two or more parties in an effort to resolve a dispute. The authors, and the public officials they quote, use “dialogue” and other terminology (e.g., peace talks, peace negotiations, round table conference, mediation, etc.) more-or-less interchangeably to describe the efforts at conflict resolution in Manipur, Andhra Pradesh, and Kashmir.
For example, “dialogue” is the term used to describe the process in Andhra Pradesh. Through our reading of the case study, however, it seems that two specific processes might have been used:
Both Consultation and Negotiation are important modalities within a larger Conflict Resolution process. As such, the general term “dialogue” used to describe them obscures and underplays the distinct importance of each modality within the larger process.
While the conversations that took place in each of the highlighted cases may have achieved a certain degree of success, the imprecise use of terms leaves us wondering if the processes employed and the quality of the facilitation were as effective as they could have been. Just because parties are willing to talk, their conversations are not necessarily of the kind that will produce a meaningful and enduring peace. Likewise, just because parties reach an “agreement” does not mean they have engaged at a complex level or that the agreement will stand the test of time. Again, the quality of the conversation and the communication process matters in Conflict Resolution. We assert that this quality can only be achieved through deliberate and strategic application of specific modalities.
There are three defining characteristics or conditions of Conflict Resolution modalities that distinguish them from “talks” writ large. When Conflict Resolution modalities are skilfully applied, the disputing parties are challenged and encouraged to change their approach to the conflict and each other. More specifically, through the process the parties become willing to:
When parties are not deliberately challenged to change how they engage with each other, they tend to remain stuck in their own rigid and inflexible assertions, demands, perspectives, and ideologies. Through power, pressure, accommodation, and compromise, they may ultimately succeed in coming up with an agreement. Most conventional conflict resolution processes are in fact attempts at cobbling together an agreement or compromise that will stop the violence. They are therefore exercises in immediate problem solving or truce-making, rather than efforts to address parties’ deeply held perceptions, stereotypes, hatred, and distrust. The agreement, apart from being suboptimal, is unsustainable because it fails to meet one or both party’s genuine needs, which remain misunderstood and unaddressed.
From the case study descriptions in the HD Centre publication, it is difficult to know whether parties engaged in genuine Conflict Resolution or “talks,” wherein they may have reached agreements, but maintained their rigid positions and perspectives. We are therefore curious about the specific modalities that might have been used in each case, and how effective they were.
Beyond Mere Semantics
Imagine a student listening to a cancer specialist talk about two patients, one with breast cancer and the other with brain cancer. The specialist simply describes her method for tackling both illnesses as “cancer treatment.” While strictly speaking the term is accurate, the student remains unclear as to the specific treatment required for each type of cancer.
In determining when and how to address conflict, the use of general and vague terminology does not enable parties or policy makers to make informed choices about which “treatment” is appropriate for the situation at hand. The specific modalities of Conflict Resolution – Consultation, Arbitration, Conciliation, Negotiation, Mediation, Dialogue, Joint Problem Solving, and Consensus Building – are used at different stages in a conflict, for different purposes, and in very different ways (see Table 1). Depending on the conflict dynamics and the parties’ specific needs, interests, and dispositions, any of these modalities can be used, either individually or in combination, at the same time or in a linear progressive fashion. A precise understanding of these modalities enhances the peace builders’ capacity to apply them at times and in ways that will be most effective.
Table 1
SOME CONFLICT RESOLUTION MODALITIES |
|
Consultation |
A process through which an impartial third party seeks parties' inputs and perspectives on issues that affect them. Most often undertaken as the first step of any Conflict Resolution exercise. |
Arbitration |
A process by which parties in a dispute refer their case to an impartial third party (Arbitrator) and agree to abide by the latter’s decision, which is made based on the evidence they present. Differs from Mediation in that, here, the third party has power to impose a solution on the parties, rather than assisting them to arrive at a solution by themselves. |
Conciliation |
A process where a third party (Conciliator), not necessarily impartial, brings disputing parties together to resolve their differences. Distinct from Mediation or Dialogue Facilitation in that the Conciliator does not exert the same level of control over the agenda or the way parties communicate. Whereas the Conciliator may offer suggestions on how the parties could reconcile, those suggestions are not binding on the parties, who are free to accept or reject them. |
Negotiation |
The most basic process by which parties discuss substantive issues in a conflict and try to settle or resolve their differences amicably. Typically focuses on achieving an agreement rather than on the relationships between the parties. Parties can also use negotiation to agree on a course of action or to find a compromise solution to individual or collective needs. |
Mediation |
A facilitated process through which an impartial third party (Mediator) works with disputants to help them reach a mutually satisfactory agreement. Unlike arbitrators or judges, Mediators do not decide the dispute between the parties, but rather assist them to take responsibility for resolving their own dispute. Mediation also aims to help parties restore their basic relationship, not just reach a settlement. |
Dialogue |
A process wherein individuals or groups, with the help of an impartial third party Facilitator, engage in focused and productive conversation with the purpose of deepening their understanding of each other. Structured so as to help parties learn about each other; understand and address seemingly intractable differences; discover and unpack common concerns; and create tangible shifts in their perceptions of each other. |
Joint |
An activity – which may be part of Mediation, Negotiation, or Consensus Building – conducted to help parties identify their genuine needs and interests, and then collaborate to explore solutions that best accommodate these interests. |
Consensus Building |
An agreement-crafting process (often the stage following Dialogue) wherein multiple parties build a consensual decision with respect to an issue or set of issues of mutual concern, or agree to work together collaboratively towards a common goal. The agreement or goal is inclusive of all stakeholders’ interests and is determined without a preliminary vote. |
While it may seem like mere semantics, the consequence of using general language to describe and prescribe approaches to conflict resolution is that process recommendations end up being vague, unclear, and ultimately poorly executed (even if well intentioned). Taking again the Andhra Pradesh case study, while “dialogue” is the term used to describe the process, the recommendations at the conclusion of the study are not necessarily applicable to “dialogue.” An excerpt from the first recommendation reads as follows:
“Public opinion in favour of dialogue is necessary but not sufficient. Getting both sides to the table is only possible if they feel pressure from the public to negotiate. Public opinion is best mobilised by people respected by the public, with credible backgrounds and moral authority. However, both parties must also see it as in their interests to engage in serious talks. The Congress Party promised to hold talks in its election manifesto but lacked a genuine and sustained commitment to dialogue.” (Bold text added.)
By using so many terms – dialogue, talks, negotiation – it is unclear as to what precisely the public should be in favour of, or what the disputing parties must see as in their interest. The imprecision in terms also begs the question: when the public says it is in favour of “dialogue,” can it be taken for granted that it will also favour the outcomes of such a process? Assuming that “the public” is made up of constituencies represented by the disputing parties, these constituencies may express the desire for parties to talk, but may not understand that true Dialogue requires being flexible and open to options not previously considered. Without this understanding, they might well balk at any agreements the parties ultimately make. Likewise, even if parties see it as in their interest to engage in “serious talks,” it does not necessarily follow that they are genuinely open to the three conditions of Conflict Resolution described previously.
It is important that peace builders be prepared for such disconnects between what the parties say they are willing to do and what they are actually willing to do. Without being properly informed of what specific Conflict Resolution modalities demand, neither the public nor the disputing parties are likely to be fully committed to the type of engagement these modalities require to be successful. Vague process recommendations, therefore, can lead to unsatisfactory outcomes.
Please see Table 2 for other examples of ambiguous terminology in each of the three conflict case studies, with our questions and observations.
Table 2
Case Study |
Authors’ Terms |
Ambiguity in Terminology |
|
Andhra Pradesh |
Dialogue (CCC and society, State Government, and Naxalites)
|
“Their [CCC’s] focus was on starting a dialogue with society about the conflict, asking questions about the rule of law and the wellbeing of those caught up in the violence”(p.12). “Despite these obstacles, the CCC continued to try and persuade both the Government and the Naxalites to engage in a dialogue”(p.13).
|
Was the CCC’s dialogue with society a structured Dialogue or a process of Consultation?
Were the Government and the Naxalites properly informed of the conditions necessary for Dialogue? While the CCC attempted to convene the process, it was not acting as a process facilitator, which is necessary for a genuine Dialogue. |
Talks |
“The Chandra Babu Government did not respond enthusiastically to the proposed talks… It always responded publicly saying that it was always ready for peaceful resolution of Naxalite (sic) problem but never committed to dialogue in writing. The Government maintained that the Naxalites would have to give up violence before a dialogue could take place” (p.13). |
Here, talks is being used interchangeably with dialogue. Dialogue is a specific Conflict Resolution modality, distinct from talks. In Dialogue, there can be no preconditions put on parties’ engagement, otherwise they will typically not agree to start the process. |
|
Kashmir |
Dialogue Round Table Conference
|
Prime Minister Singh’s opening remarks at the Round Table conference: “A round table is a dialogue. No one preaches and no one just listens. This is a dialogue of equals who promise to work together. Today’s meeting...will... achieve historical importance if we are able to unleash a process by which we can arrive at a workable blueprint... Not by compromising on one’s ideals, but in a spirit of mutual tolerance, understanding and accommodation” (p.32). |
Was the Round Table conference a Dialogue, with an agenda shaped and directed by an impartial third party facilitator, or was it a joint discussion or problem solving exercise? |
Mediation |
“Track I level dialogue to resolve the conflict was first attempted in 1948-1949. There were a series of failed initiatives during the 1950s and 1960s, most notably through a Kashmiri-led mediation by Sheikh Abdullah. However, each of the attempts were deadlocked by, on the one hand, India’s desire to turn the de factodivision of Kashmir into a de jureone (shared by Sheikh Abdullah) and, on the other, Pakistan’s desire to claim the whole, or at the very least the Muslim-majority parts, of the former princely state” (p.29). |
Sheik Abdullah was a critical stakeholder in the conflict, certainly not an impartial party. Would what is here described as mediation be more accurately termed Conciliation? |
|
Dialogue Peace Negotiations Talks |
“India wishes to pick up peace negotiations with Pakistan on Kashmir from where they left off in the back channel. However, the GoI and the self-determination groups have not shown the same willingness to restore their internal track of dialogue. The GoI is now faced with a new resistance movement and rising violence. Talks which aim to secure a speedy political resolution should be a priority” (p.24). |
Here, the terms dialogue, peace negotiations, and talks are used interchangeably, the distinction between them unclear. |
|
Manipur |
Dialogue Negotiations |
In the section entitled Past attempts at dialogue: “Violence consequently increased in the 1980’s, and it was only at the end of that decade that a serious attempt was made to start negotiations with the armed groups” (p.53). |
Here, dialogue and negotiation are being used interchangeably, despite being distinctly different modalities used at different times and for different purposes in a process of Conflict Resolution. |
Dialogue Pre-negotiation Political Dialogue |
“The potential role which an independent civil society could play was also demonstrated by the SCS attempt to facilitate dialogue. It showed that such civil society initiatives provide an opportunity to engage in indirect dialogue in a pre-negotiation phase. No parties have to make any commitments, yet an exchange of views can take place, which could eventually lead to dialogue. Such initiatives could also be useful for the various groups to build a common minimum negotiating position in a political dialogue” (p.58). |
Is there a distinction between dialogue and political dialogue? |
|
Dialogue Talks |
In the section entitled Past attempts at dialogue: “Tompok Singh… ordered the Assam Rifles… to arrest the PLA team headed by Manikanta Singh that was en route to Imphal for the talks. The arrest and subsequent jailing of the PLA leader brought an abrupt end to the secret process even before it had been given a real chance to be tested. RK Jaichandra Singh’s tenure ended a year later and another decade was to pass before further moves were made towards dialogue” (p.53). |
Again, talks and dialogue are here used interchangeably. Dialogue is a modality that is distinct from talks. |
Dialogue: A More Specific Use
“The Indian state has generally not shied away from eventually talking to those who oppose it”(p.6).
There is a pressing need to provide parties in conflict with clear options of specific Conflict Resolution modalities. Such clarity will help them and the convenors of Conflict Resolution processes to go forward with clear and realistic expectations about what is expected of them, what they are likely to experience, and how a particular modality can benefit them.
Conflict Resolution practitioners use the term Dialogue (with a capital D) in a very deliberate and specific way. Dialogue is a specific Conflict Resolution modality used to help people with differing views and beliefs engage in focused and productive conversation with the purpose of deepening their understanding of each other. Dialogue is not debate. Dialogue is not “dialogue,” as in just exchanging opinions.
An effective Dialogue process requires the skilled facilitation of an impartial third party, someone with no direct stake in the issues or any bias towards any of the participating stakeholders. The job of the third party is to design and facilitate the Dialogue process.
The role of a Dialogue Facilitator differs from that of either a “convenor,” whose aim is to organize a discussion, or a “moderator,” who ensures that those who wish to speak get a chance to do so. In contrast, the role of a Dialogue Facilitator is to:
With the help of the Dialogue Facilitator, participants in a Dialogue process agree to cease rhetoric and argument. Instead they strive to communicate respectfully, listen to each other, and ask questions to improve their understanding. Rather than stating broad opinions or making rigid moral assertions, they talk about their experiences and values, the why behind what they believe.
The goal of Dialogue is not necessarily to solve specific problems or create agreements, although it may and often does lead to opportunities for collaborative action. Instead, the process is structured so as to help parties learn about each other; understand andaddress seemingly intractable differences; discover and unpack common concerns; and create tangible shifts in their perceptions of each other.
Finally, Dialogue is crucial in setting the stage for complex negotiation, or even collaborative action. Whereas parties initially come to the table with feelings of distrust and animosity, Dialogue works to create a new dynamic between them, and therefore prepares the ground for problem solving and building sustainable agreements. Only then can the modalities of Consensus Building and Joint Problem Solving be applied.
The Andhra Pradesh “Talks:” Neither Mediation nor Dialogue
“One of the modalities agreed [sic] in the lead up to the talks was that mediators were only observers in the dialogue process and their role was to advisethe parties in case of a deadlock”(p.15).
In Conflict Resolution, the job of a Mediator is not to remain on the sidelines until discussions reach an impasse, but to craft, direct, and facilitate a process of communication between the parties. We therefore agree with the authors’ judgement in the HD Centre publication that, in the Andhra Pradesh case, the decision by the “mediators” to remain as passive observers did considerable damage to the process.
It is a remarkable achievement that the two sides in the Andhra Pradesh conflict finally came to the table after seven years of hard work to get them there, not to mention decades of distrust and violence. In describing the process of resolution, however, the term “mediator” is used for actors with roles so limited that they were unable to facilitate negotiations between the parties. Moreover, the passivity of the “mediators” in the negotiations compels us to suggest that neither the terms “Mediation” nor “Dialogue” should be used to describe what took place. That the “mediators” agreed to take on observer status precluded the true application of either modality.
Mediation, as the term is used in the field of Conflict Resolution, is a voluntary process through which individuals in a dispute, with the help of a neutral person, or Mediator, seek to reach a mutually acceptable agreement. The process emphasizes the parties’ own responsibility and ability to resolve their dispute.
The Mediator has no authority to impose settlement, but instead brings parties together and helps them reach a decision on their own. The Mediator’s role is to create a non-adversarial environment to help participants get to the root of their problems, consider options, and develop solutions in a way that is reflective and respectful. Whereas the parties may not have been communicating or listening to each other, the Mediator helps them unearth and talk about issues. Rather than remain stuck in past grievances, the parties ultimately consider how they might function in the future.
The Mediation process is a recognized alternative to court-based litigation, which is often lengthy, expensive, and irrevocably damaging to relationships. Unlike litigation, Mediation aims to help parties restore their basic relationship, not just reach a settlement. In that the parties themselves decide how to proceed without external advice, solutions, or judgment, Mediation is also set apart from other Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) processes such as Conciliation and Arbitration.
In Conclusion: Much Ado About Nothing?
Words are peace builders’ most powerful tools. To more effectively assist policymakers, disputants, and other interested parties to understand Conflict Resolution processes, it is important that the full range of available modalities are defined and described as accurately as possible.
If established and well-defined Conflict Resolution modalities are misrepresented by general terms like “dialogue” or “talks,” it becomes difficult for disputing and other interested parties to make informed decisions about when and how to address conflict. When the disputing parties, the public, public officials, and researchers all use such terms loosely and inaccurately, the ways in which conflict is addressed are likely to be suboptimal and the results both unsatisfactory and short-lived. We should therefore not be surprised that “dialogue fatigue” sets in and parties become cynical about attempts at conflict resolution.
Dialogue fatigue is dangerous. When the public and parties in conflict lose confidence in reasoned discussion, they become convinced that only “action” will help them gain their goals. We know from experience that, too often, “action” is merely a call to violence. Guns will talk when words lose all potency.
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Situation Assessment, Kandhamal District, Orissa
Over five months in 2009, Meta-Culture conducted a comprehensive Situation Assessment of Kandhamal District in the northeast state of Orissa where, starting in August 2008, communal violence resulted in over forty deaths and the destruction of hundreds of homes. Under contract with a well-respected international relief and development organization, we conducted the assessment for purposes of achieving a deep understanding of the region's conflict dynamics so that we would be equipped to make recommendations for long-term Conflict Resolution and Peace Building interventions. Through the course of two field visits, we conducted over fifty in-person interviews, which were essential in helping us understand the multiple and often competing perspectives of various stakeholders: Scheduled Tribe and Scheduled Caste people, Hindus and Christians, politicians and government bureaucrats, religious leaders and traders, among others. By analyzing the information from these interviews, and supplementing it with second source academic research, our consultants were able to draw conclusions about several aspects of the conflict: its structural and more immediate causes, potential triggers to further outbreaks of violence, the interests and identities of various stakeholder groups and sub-groups, and the nature of the relationships within and between these groups. Based on these conclusions, we have made a series of recommendations for mediation, dialogue, consensus-building, and training activities that, if implemented with consistency and commitment over the next five years, have the potential to rebuild relationships and lay strong foundations for sustainable peace in Kandhamal.
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Workshops for Civil Society Organizations on the World Bank Compliance Advisor/Ombudsman (CAO)
In April 2009, Meta-Culture convened and supported the facilitation of the India Outreach Program on behalf of the Compliance Advisor/Ombudsman (CAO), the independent accountability and recourse mechanism for the World Bank's private sector arms, known as the IFC and MIGA. The program included three Workshops on Avenues for Accountability around IFC and MIGA Projects for Civil Society Organizations in the Indian cities of New Delhi, Kolkata, and Bangalore. The purpose of the program was to raise awareness about the CAO's work in India and to improve understanding amongst Indian CSOs of how communities affected by World Bank-financed private sector projects can raise their concerns and have their interests addressed through alternative dispute resolution methodologies. Each workshop was attended by representatives from over thirty CSOs, the focus areas of which ranged from relief and development, to human rights, environment, multi-sector reform, corporate social responsibility, trade, and institutional monitoring and evaluation. Meta-Culture conducted successful outreach with these organizations and consulted with the CAO to create a workshop agenda that provided space for conversation about critical issues concerning communities, companies, and international finance institutions (IFIs) in India.
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Capacity building for Police Officers
Following submission of a comprehensive concept paper, Meta-Culture is currently in the process of finalizing arrangements for a nine-day Capacity Building Program for thirty senior police officers. The objective is to equip police officers with the knowledge and skills necessary to carry out the highly complex and challenging police work in today's rapidly changing society. The program will include three courses: a two-day Interpersonal Communication Course, a four-day Basic Mediation Course and a three-day course on Leadership and Team Building. Participants will include senior police officers from the City of Bangalore and from other parts of Karnataka.
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“Repairing Broken Relationships—Apology and Forgiveness: Tools for Workplace Dispute Management”
There is a need for quality education of Indian executives and managers regarding why and how, firstly, relationships are vital in today’s dynamic business environment, and secondly, tools such as apology and forgiveness can do a great deal to ease tensions, resolve conflicts and/or improve suboptimal or broken relationships. We are therefore designing a corporate training course to address this need and introduce these concepts into the Indian corporate environment.
The course is designed to help Indian executives understand the “anatomy” of relationships; to educate them about the role of apology and forgiveness in healing broken relationships; and to give them the concrete skills necessary to apologize and forgive effectively. We teach our corporate clients how to use apology and forgiveness correctly and consciously in order to heal and improve workplace relationships and thereby optimize the working environment.
We improve interpersonal relations in the Indian business environment by helping change the culture of discourse regarding apology and forgiveness in resolving interpersonal conflicts in the workplace. We believe that structural and cultural change can be gradually brought about by transforming the ways individuals perceive and interact with one another. If individual executives begin to believe in and employ the tools of apology and forgiveness in their daily relationships, others may see its effectiveness and adopt the practice as well. Thus apology, forgiveness and the open, constructive handling of conflict may be introduced into the business environment.
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Inter-religious Dialogue and Monitoring and Evaluation Model for Dialogue
Meta-Culture has been building bridges among polarized groups at the community level by creating an environment of understanding, tolerance and respect through a series of dialogue sessions between polarized religious communities over the last 3 years.
We are currently in the process of designing a Monitoring and Evaluation tool to measure tangible outcomes of these dialogues. The objective of the project is to define specific indicators to measure the shift in attitudes, biases and perceptions among and between different polarized groups. In particular, the Monitoring &
Evaluation model will be tested over our next series of dialogue sessions.
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Family Mediation ProgramThe process offers families a confidential alternative to seeking advice from their relatives and friends who may not be truly objective or neutral. Mediation is also cheaper and quicker than going to the courts for help.
If you need any more information on the CMC or Mediation in general, please click here to view our contact details !!
We will be happy to answer your questions!

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